Personally in history: Germany called for using Brandt's experience in dialogue with the Russian Federation

The experience of former German Chancellor Willy Brandt could help modern German politicians build relations with Russia, the Bundestag told Izvestia. It would be especially useful when looking for ways to resolve the Ukrainian crisis. The Russian Federation is studying the experience of relations between the USSR and Germany in the 1970s. On October 31, the conference "Brezhnev-Brandt: Paradoxes of Eastern Politics" was held at the Izvestia press center. And on November 1, a large-scale detective story "Dear Willy" will be shown on REN TV. The participants in the discussion came to the conclusion that by moving closer to the Soviet Union and the GDR, Germany was primarily pursuing its national interests. About Willy Brandt's contribution to the normalization of dialogue between Moscow and the West and the role of personal relations between the leaders of the USSR and Germany — in the material of Izvestia.

The Moscow Treaty 55 years later

They say that those who do not know their history have no future. This statement is more appropriate today than ever for Germany, the country that unleashed two world wars in the 20th century. However, the Germans not only destroyed, but also created. Willy Brandt, the fourth German Chancellor (1969-1974), the creator of the "Eastern policy" of rapprochement with the USSR and the GDR, made a significant contribution to the reconciliation of the West with the East.

Its embodiment was the Moscow treaty between the Soviet Union and Germany. The document was signed by Willy Brandt and Chairman of the Soviet government Alexei Kosygin in the presence of Leonid Brezhnev on August 12, 1970. This treaty laid the foundations not only for the unification of Germany, but also for the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, which established the principles of peaceful settlement of disputes.

Modern German politicians should take an example from Willy Brandt, says Bundestag deputy Matthias Mosdorf. The ex-chancellor's experience could be useful today, especially when looking for ways to resolve the Ukrainian crisis.

— Willy Brandt, as you know, adhered to the principle of "change through rapprochement." This meant that if we wanted the USSR to change, we sought to develop exchange through trade relations in order to eventually achieve rapprochement. I think this is a very, very wise policy," he told Izvestia. — And it was only thanks to her that a trusting relationship began, which later allowed Gorbachev and me to even discuss reunification. If this foundation had not been laid by Willy Brandt, the reunion would probably never have taken place.

Brandt's contribution to the normalization of relations with the USSR is also remembered in Russia. On October 31, a conference "Brezhnev-Brandt: Paradoxes of Eastern Politics" was held at the Izvestia press center, dedicated to the 55th anniversary of the signing of the treaty between the USSR and Germany. The conference is also timed to coincide with the premiere of the historical series "Dear Willy" on November 1 on REN TV.

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It should be noted that the architect of the "eastern policy" was Brandt's associate Egon Bahr, who served as Minister for Special Assignments. He participated in the direct work on the text of the Moscow treaty.

The document recognized the inviolability of the Oder—Neisse border with Poland, as well as the borders between Germany and the GDR. It marked the abandonment of the Cold War policy and represented a historic breakthrough in relations between the USSR and Germany in the post-war period. By moving closer to the Soviet Union and the Socialist bloc, Willy Brandt was taking a certain risk. Germany could not afford to violate the bloc's obligations to NATO and spoil relations with the United States.

Steps towards the social block

In addition, Brandt was seriously criticized by the opposition in the Bundestag for making concessions to the USSR — the Federal Republic of Germany recognized the GDR as a separate state for the first time. But Brandt and Bahr could not give up the prospects of German reunification either. To prove that Germany was not giving up its position, after signing the treaty, Bonn handed Moscow a letter in which he noted that it did not contradict Germany's political goal "to act towards achieving a state of peace in Europe in which the German people would regain their unity through free self-determination."

"In the Bundestag, I explained over and over again that progress towards German unity is possible only as relations between East and West improve generally and radically. After my resignation in 1974, my eccentric opponents even spread the rumor that they would bring me to justice on charges of treason if I "stuck my head out." Footing: I talked with Brezhnev about the security status for Germany, which differs from that of NATO," Brandt wrote in his memoirs.

The participants in the discussion stated that, by taking steps towards the socialist bloc, Brandt and Bahr pursued mainly the national interests of Germany.

— Germany was divided, and for both its parts it was a tragedy. They were aware that Germany's role in history and the Second World War were terrible. This is a crime against other nations and their own people. But as long as Germany is divided, it cannot be a nation. They were true patriots of their country. Willy Brandt said that a country cannot live if it cannot say "yes" to its homeland. And that's why the concept of "nation" was at the heart of their policy," Ekaterina Timoshenkova, a leading researcher at the Department of Social and Political Studies at the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences, told Izvestia.

According to her, modern leaders are integrated into the global system of the West.

— They have already been brought up on Americanism. As Egon Bahr said, Americanism is a reality. Germans can't afford to think badly of Americans. For example, Friedrich Merz worked in the United States for a long time, becoming a billionaire there, working for an American company," she said.

Brandt and Brezhnev: high relations

Although Brandt was not a pro-Soviet politician, he quickly managed to establish personal contact with Brezhnev. It is widely known that in 1971 the Federal Chancellor held talks with the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU in Crimea. The leaders spent two days at a government summer residence in Oreanda. Leonid Brezhnev's personal photographer, Vladimir Musaelian, even said that the Secretary General allegedly lent Brandt his spare swimming trunks.

"The Soviet leader took the protocol waiver so seriously that when I landed in Simferopol on September 16 in the afternoon, he was standing on the airfield all alone. I flew in on a German Air Force plane. It was also an innovation. The crew was taken care of in the best possible way, which was by no means taken for granted," Brandt writes in his memoirs.

At the same time, there was a secret communication channel between the leaders of the USSR and Germany. This story is told in the TV series "Dear Willie". According to the plot, Soviet intelligence becomes aware that the United States is preparing to launch a strike from military bases located in Germany. To prevent this, Brezhnev instructs German journalist Valery Pletnev and former KGB officer Vyacheslav Vardanov to send Brandt a personal message with the plans of the Americans. By the way, the characters of the series have real prototypes — journalist Valery Lednev and KGB Major General Vyacheslav Kevorkov.

— This confidential channel was then passed on to the following cabinets, in particular Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. But because he was a socialist, he asked Bar to continue to support this channel in order to improve relations between Germany and the USSR. When Helmut Kohl came to power, Egon Bahr came to him again and told him that there was such a channel. And then Egon Bahr handed over all the developments to Horst Telchik, Kohl's advisor," Ekaterina Timoshenkova noted.

Brandt and Brezhnev managed to find a common language, since both were staunch anti-fascists, said Viktor Vasiliev, a leading researcher at the Primakov National Research Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

— These were people who knew what war was. And they called fascism fascism. Brandt and Brezhnev knew the value of human life," he told Izvestia. — They had the highest sense of responsibility to their countries and their citizens — for their fate, well-being, for the future of Europe.

The trusting relationship between Brezhnev and Brandt had a positive impact on the bilateral relations between the USSR and Germany, not only at the political level, but also at the domestic level. The Soviet diplomats who worked at the USSR Embassy in Bonn also felt this. Vladimir Grinin, the former Russian ambassador to Germany, shared his memories with Izvestia. He arrived in Germany in 1973.

According to him, Willy Brandt left a great mark on the history of this country and the Germans should be grateful to him for opening the door to the USSR. After Brandt became chancellor, the Soviet people stopped being afraid, the diplomat recalls.

— We could go wherever we wanted. There were no prohibitions," said Vladimir Grinin.

Brandt resigned in 1974 after the espionage scandal. His closest aide, Gunther Guillaume, turned out to be an agent of the East German Stasi security service. After Brandt's resignation and the arrival of Helmut Schmidt, the diplomat says, the warmth in the relationship left and the officialdom returned.